The first brick of religious publishing in Iran
The first Iranian books in Persian were printed during the reign of Fath-Ali Shah Qajar. After the publication of the first Persian book in Iran in 1233 AH until the end of Fath-Ali Shah Qajar’s reign (1250 AH), 20 book titles in 21 volumes were printed within Iran, with a minimum of 30 print runs and perhaps as many as 45. All of these books, except for two Arabic titles, were in Persian, and all but one were printed using lead type. None had illustrations. These books were printed in Tabriz, Tehran, Isfahan, and one in Hamedan.
A general look at the beginning of the publication of Shi’a books in Iran during the Fath-Ali Shah era draws our attention to several notable issues:
1. If we compare the books published during this period with the Dewey classification system, we find that in six categories, no books were printed: reference books, philosophy and psychology, language, pure sciences, social sciences, and art. The share of the other four library categories among these books is as follows: sixteen religious books (80%), two literary titles, and one title each in history/geography and applied sciences. If we consider the number of reprints instead of titles, the share of religious books increases to over ninety percent.
We see that although the initial goal of Abbas Mirza, the Crown Prince, in establishing the printing press in Iran was industrial progress and the promotion of new sciences, only one scientific book and two literary and educational books for schools were published. Aside from one historical book describing the life of the reigning monarch, the rest were religious. While the strong focus on religious books in the early years of Persian printing in Iran is pleasing, from another perspective, despite Iran’s lead in the printing industry compared to many Islamic countries, the track record of Iranians in producing up-to-date and scientific content is not high.
2. This issue is not limited to forgetting scientific and technical books; even with the high share of religious books among the first printed works in Iran, these published works are not entirely defensible. Not only is the spirit of criticism, thought, and innovation scarce in them, but the populist nature of some books was criticized by some religious scholars.
Six of these sixteen religious books were written by Allameh Majlesi. Allameh Majlesi was perhaps the first Shi’a cleric who systematically began producing works in Persian for the general public and aligned with their taste. About one hundred and thirty years after his death, with the spread of the printing press in the Qajar capital, he and his works experienced widespread popularity, making him the bestselling, most famous, and most popular author in the Iranian book market. However, only those works of his that had the aforementioned characteristics were widely published, not all his works; for instance, his works in Arabic or his writings for specialists did not receive this attention.
Apart from some criticisms from certain religious scholars regarding some of Allameh Majlesi’s books, several other religious works from that list, such as Moharreq al-Qulub and the Hasaniyah Treatise, were also criticized by religious scholars for their historical accuracy and precision.
Let’s not forget that the list of authored works by Shi’a scholars in the last decades before the spread of printing does not at all indicate such a widespread public approach to populism, superstition, and distortions.
3. Another notable point about Iranian books during the Fath-Ali Shah era is the significant difference between the books printed in Tabriz, Tehran, and Isfahan. In Tabriz prints, works with socio-political approaches (the Jihadiyah Treatise and Ma’ather al-Sultaniyah) and scientific (smallpox treatise) and educational books (Bustan and Golestan) are seen. However, Tehran’s works are entirely religious works for the general public. Isfahan’s prints are also entirely religious.
An interesting point about Isfahan prints during the Fath-Ali Shah era is the high share of Isfahani creators among them; a point that is not evident in the books printed in Tabriz and Tehran. Instead of publishing works by authors from one or two centuries prior, such as Va’ez Qazvini, Zia Astrabadi, and Allameh Majlesi, and even authors like Mulla Ahmad Naraqi who had passed away decades ago, the Isfahanis published works by contemporary and powerful clerics of their time. Meanwhile, the clerics of Tehran apparently lacked such power or opportunity to act, or perhaps did not yet believe in publishing books using the printing press, or there were other reasons for the non-publication of their works.
4. Another issue worth examining is the essential role of Manouchehr Khan Gorji in the widespread dissemination of religious books during that period. Although most historians acknowledge the abilities and sagacity of Manouchehr Khan Mu’tamad al-Dawla as one of the key figures in the court of Fath-Ali Shah and Mohammad Shah Qajar, some have questioned his religious beliefs and good intentions regarding the extensive focus on religious books and rituals and the promotion of mourning ceremonies. It has been said that he was the son of one of the large and wealthy Armenian (not Georgian) families in Tbilisi who moved from Armenia to Georgia years before and were agents of the Russian Tsar among the Georgians. Apparently, young Manouchehr was captured and castrated during Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar’s attack on Tbilisi, worked as a slave in the Qajar court, and after accepting Islam, advanced through administrative ranks. Some have suggested he was a Russian spy and, as one of the commanders, was involved in the defeat of parts of the Iranian army during the war. Additionally, some have claimed that he prevented the publication of scientific and technical books and that the printing houses under his command in Tehran and Isfahan only published religious books, specifically those with superstitious undertones. While these claims may be mixed with pessimism and exaggeration, according to researchers, his role in saving Seyyed Ali Mohammad Bab’s life and sheltering him in Isfahan, and the rise of Babism which led to social unrest, religious differences, and doctrinal deviations in the country, cannot be denied. As I said, some have questioned his actions, and historical questioning is a common occurrence in academic circles, and this does not mean a definitive judgment, insult, or accusation; it is good that it is researched and investigated by specialists in the field.
5. Printing created new audiences and a broad market for religious books that were no longer limited to advanced seminary students. Instead, ordinary people, low-literacy preachers, and storytellers were the buyers. For this reason, most religious books after the Fath-Ali Shah era were not selected from classical, reliable, and ancient books, nor did they present new theological and practical ideas; rather, they were books written during that period based on the demands of the publishing market and for the general public. Many religious books from the Qajar era were elegies and passion plays, dream interpretation books, fortune-telling and divination books, repentance books, talismans, occult sciences, and similar topics. Thus, one of the consequences of the printing industry was the stratification, popularization, non-scholarly nature, and audience-friendly content of Persian Shi’a religious texts.
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Therefore, and with attention to the aforementioned points, it can be said that the printing industry, which in its first decades of prevalence in Iran had a completely religious atmosphere, led to the promotion and dissemination of religious content at the societal level on one hand, and fueled the decline in the scientific and qualitative level of religious texts on the other, failing to play a significant role in presenting and criticizing new religious ideas.
